Eyal Ben-Ari tugged at the heavy assault rifle hanging over his shoulder as he tiptoed out of his pink house at sunrise, hoping not to wake his wife or six children.
Walking to synagogue in Safed, a hill town above the Sea of Galilee known for centuries as a center of kabbalah, or ancient Jewish mysticism, he said he still didnât feel great about the gun.
Sleeping with the rifle under his pillow, he worried about it being stolen. After his 13-year-old son came home with a toy replica, Mr. Ben-Ari considered returning the real thing, doubting his decision to join the newly formed civilian militia that had given him the weapon.
âI feel like itâs very â artificial,â he said, struggling to find the right word in English, looking down at the gun. âItâs not human. Itâs not life.â
At the synagogue, men with graying beards and black suits â all fellow members of the Chabad movement, an ultra-Orthodox sect of Judaism â slapped Mr. Ben-Ari on the back. They were happy to see him. Happy to see his gun. It was the only one there, but far from unique. In this small city near the Lebanon border, where Hezbollahâs rockets have often rained down in recent months, Israelâs deep sense of vulnerability has led to a surge of citizens arming themselves.
In Safed, as in the rest of Israel, people fear a repeat of Oct. 7, when gunmen with Hamas crossed from Gaza into Israel and killed 1,200 people in rural villages, army bases and cities, according to Israeli authorities. The police and the military were slow to respond that day. In many communities, the only ones fighting back were volunteers with rapid response teams that are known in Israel as Kitat Konenut.
Before the attack, much of Safed didnât think it needed such a group. For decades, this city of 40,000 has drawn the very religious and very creative, those seeking to commune with nature, art and wine, or pray at Safedâs main landmark â a hillside cemetery where 16th-century rabbis lie in graves painted baby blue to signify bringing the sky and heaven down to earth. Madonna, a kabbalah convert, visited in 2009.
These days, tourists are too afraid to come. Safed, called Tzfat in Hebrew, now sees itself a city under siege, Israel in miniature, struggling to reconcile God, love, and light with grief, rage, fear and a craving for protection.
âPeople are concerned,â said Yossi Kakon, Safedâs mayor, in an interview at his office overlooking the city. âThey want guns.â
He stood up. On his hip sat a black pistol, newly acquired.
100,000 New Guns
Guns, of course, have long been like stars of David in Israel: too common to discuss.
Military service is compulsory, and full-time soldiers and reservists are required to carry their weapons at all times, which means they show up in unexpected places: with backpack-laden students on public buses; bumping into the legs of fathers pushing strollers in Jerusalem; on the shoulders of young women by the beach in Tel Aviv.
The Kitat Konenut have also been woven into the countryâs security fabric for decades. Many of the groups formed around kibbutzim and villages near Israelâs borders after the Arab-Israel war of 1967.
The earliest volunteers for the Kitat Konenut were often sharpshooters or veterans with elite military training. Over time, the groups seemed less necessary and as some of their old guns started to disappear to theft or loss, the Israel Defense Forces or IDF imposed tighter restrictions: guns had to be kept at an armory, with keys held by a trusted local leader.
On Oct. 7, some of those leaders were the first ones killed. Those who had guns saved lives. In the village of Pri Gan, Azri Natan, one Kitat Konenut fighter in his 70s told me he held off gunmen for hours, alone, firing from behind a palm tree in his yard.
Stories like his led Israeli politicians to champion more arms for civilians. Itamar Ben-Gvir, Israelâs right-wing national security minister, has made it a personal priority.
In March, after making the process for getting a gun easier and faster, he announced that 100,000 licenses had been approved since October. Another 200,000 were in the pipeline.
âWeapons save lives,â he said.
Critics, however, worry that even with Israelâs background checks and training requirements, too many guns are being given out with too little concern for how they might fuel internal tensions.
Israeli settlers in the occupied West Bank are among those arming most rapidly, at a time when settler violence is at its highest level since the U.N. began recording attacks in 2006. And while hundreds of new rapid response teams have formed in municipalities that are majority Jewish, Arab communities â including those close to Israelâs borders â have not been granted the same leeway to form armed volunteer groups.
To many Arab Israelis, who make up about 20 percent of the countryâs population, Mr. Ben-Gvirâs gun campaign looks like a threat â a politically motivated tool for intimidation or state-sanctioned violence, engineered by a government minister from a settlement, who has brandished a weapon in public and has several convictions for incitement to racism.
âJust thinking that Minister Ben-Gvir is behind this means that his motives are racist and anti-Arab,â said Asad Ghanem, a political science professor at the University of Haifa. Mr. Ben-Gvirâs spokesman did not respond to requests for comment.
Habib Daoud, the owner of a restaurant in Rameh, an Arab town near Safed, said, âPeople are afraid, yes, but weâre more afraid because the guns arenât in our hands.â
Safedâs volunteer fighters insist their mission is purely defensive. With the exception of local colleges that draw students from across the area, the cityâs Arab population â a prewar majority â has mostly fled, or been expelled since 1948, never to return, as part of what Palestinians call the Nakba. The old Arab Quarter is now the Artistsâ Quarter. The main mosque is a gallery with white walls and chic lighting.
The threat, for Safedâs Jewish community, feels just over the horizon. Itâs a community that has voted more strongly for right-wing parties like Mr. Ben-Gvirâs in recent years, and so for many now â especially without tourists around â time is spent preparing for the worst. Rabbis and civilian officials now carry pistols. Instead of praying or glassblowing with tour groups, residents are adding bomb shelters to schools. At a city government warehouse, shelves are packed with black flak jackets in shiny plastic.
In Safed, the responses to the war fall on an especially wide spectrum. At one end, there is unconditional love and Kabbalahâs emphasis on bringing light to the world, with expressions of sadness for the suffering in Gaza wrought by war sitting alongside a hunger for safety; at the other are dark visions â an apocalyptic belief that the Jews of Israel are at the start of a holy war, a bloody battle to end all wars and produce a Messiah.
âWe Canât Rely on Anyoneâ
Mr. Ben-Ari falls somewhere in the hazy middle. At home one evening, his nurturing instincts were on display when one of his daughters accidentally tipped over a giant jar of instant coffee in the kitchen and he simply smiled at the powdery mess.
He grew up on a kibbutz. He said he became religious only after serving in the military and going to India with plans to become a yoga teacher. Now he laughs at the memory â âthat was a long time ago,â he says â but with his faith and his job as a social worker, he still seems eager to make people feel better. The gun doesnât exactly help.
âMy clients, many of them, are afraid of it,â he said.
His wife, Lihi Ben-Ari, is too.
âI donât like it,â she said, sitting at the kitchen table with two daughters sculpting clay.
âAt first, it was fine â we were scared,â she said. âNow?â
She walked to a bedroom and pulled out the toy assault rifle belonging to their son, delivering a scolding glare that softened into a shrug of what-doâyou-expect.
âThe soldiers have become the superheroes,â she said. âEveryone wants to be like one.â
Mr. Ben-Ari, 44, said he was constantly telling his son that his military-grade weapon was just for defense, âthat itâs not something we like.â
âItâs a duty,â he said.
That is also the argument made by Safedâs Kitat Konenut leaders. One night, Netanel Belams and Shmuel Tilles, described by city officials as the commander and deputy commander of the group, agreed to meet at a wine shop at the base of the Artistsâ Quarter.
Mr. Tilles, the shopâs owner, greeted customers seeking craft beer or a nice Cabernet with âShalom,â meaning peace, while holding a high-powered rifle with a red-dot sight for quick target acquisition at close range.
He and Mr. Belams hesitated to describe their previous military service but confirmed they had both worked with the special forces. Over craft beer in plastic cups, they explained that their mission now was simple.
As Mr. Tilles put it, speaking in English with the hint of a Bronx accent brought to Israel by his parents decades ago: âOur job is to bring security to our people.â
He said they effectively formed the Kitat Konenut on Oct. 7 when around 15 seasoned combat veterans in Safed, in close contact with the Israeli military, got ready in case Hezbollah decided to bring their own forces into Israel. When that didnât happen, they made plans to officially form a rapid response team that would coordinate with the authorities in an attack.
More than 100 men volunteered. The commanders selected 60 to 70, favoring those with combat experience. The government provided weapons and paid for training, which theyâve done around once a week.
In photos of their sessions, most of the men â including Mr. Tilles and Mr. Belams â have the long beards associated with the Orthodox community, known as Haredi in Israel. They are a small minority in the Israeli military because of a longstanding exemption from conscription for those studying in seminaries, but their presence in Safed has been expanding for a while and the war has made them more unified and organized.
Politically, they mobilized a few months ago to elect Mr. Kakon â Safedâs first Haredi mayor. And with the Kitat Konenut, they have found a new community role. Terms like âreligious Ramboâ are now thrown around by secular officials in Safed with a degree of admiration.
And yet, in a crisis, itâs hard to tell how obedient they would be to the traditional chain of command. Mr. Belams in particular did not hide that he sees his role as ordained by God.
âAfter Oct. 7, we saw that we canât rely on anyone â not the IDF, the police or the state,â he said. He added that he believed he was on the front line of a holy war that would bring about the end of times and the messiahâs coming to Earth.
âThis is the start of Gog and Magog,â Mr. Belams said, referring to a battle prophesied in the Bible that some Jews believe will lead to Messianic redemption.
Mr. Tilles tried to make clear that fighting was not their first choice. âIâm into wine. I donât even want to do this,â he said. âItâs only because of the threat.â
He added, however, that the same kabbalah tenets that tell him to âmake this a place that God could dwell in with peace and loveâ also say that âwhen somebody comes to kill you, youâve got to protect yourself first.â
Asked about the war in Gaza, he argued that because Hamas, in his view, teaches children to hate and murder Jews, Israel has to fight with an expansive definition of national defense.
âItâs a war over here. Thereâs no such thing as innocent,â he said. âYou canât say we have to give our enemies food in order for them to one day come back and kill us.â
For many of his neighbors, it is a question of priorities. Is Safed (or Israel) more likely to thrive by focusing on war and weapons, or through introspection and deeper change?
At a small gallery near the wine shop, Avraham Loewenthal, an artist and kabbalah devotee originally from Michigan, tried to elevate the conversation.
âThe war is really between love and hatred â between focusing on the bad in others or trying to understand them and find the good,â he said. âAre we blaming others for all the bad in the world or striving to see how together we can make it better for everyone?â
He said he felt deep pain from the suffering of the people in Gaza and also that Israel has no choice but to keep fighting to disable Hamas and other terror groups. Asked if he was able to extend his unconditional love to those shooting rockets at Israel â in February an attack killed one soldier in Safed, and wounded eight more â he initially gave a roundabout answer. A few days later, he emailed a clarification.
âIt is hard to believe there is goodness in people who are doing horrible things,â he wrote. âWe need to do everything we can to stop them, but trying to see God in everyone is what we are here to do.â
Seeing Threats Among the Neighbors
At Mr. Ben-Ariâs home, the journey also continues. His wife is still struggling with how to reconcile her faith with his weapon.
âItâs not our way,â she said at one point.
Mr. Ben-Ari said he felt a little better knowing that his rabbi approved â he asked before joining the Kitat Konenut. But he still canât shake the sadness of seeing divisions being sharpened. After the Hamas attack, one of his daughters started saying âIâm afraid the Arabs are going to take me.â
âSheâs 4,â he said.
He admitted that after Oct. 7 he also lost âthat safety feelingâ around Arabs in Israel and elsewhere. Safedâs right-wing chief rabbi, Shmuel Eliyahu, has a long history of pushing for Jews to expel Arabs outright (his office declined interview requests), but Mr. Ben-Ari seemed heartbroken by his own personal shift. Fear, sadness, responsibility, he made clear, they were hardening hearts and daily life in Safed.
Did that mean he would keep the gun if or when the war ended?
The weapon sat in his lap, marked by two colorful stickers: one identifying the weapon and its owner as part of the Kitat Konenut; the other a symbol for the Chabad movement.
Mr. Ben-Ari paused and thought for a minute about the question. Then he said yes.
âThe situation needs this,â he said, as his children played all around him. âIt needs me.â
Adam Sella contributed reporting from Safed.